Why Brooklyn Carries the Heaviest HIV Burden in NYC

New York City has spent two decades making genuine, measurable progress against HIV. New diagnoses citywide are still down more than 70% since 2001. That progress, though, has stalled in the last two years, and it has never been distributed evenly across the five boroughs. Brooklyn, specifically, has carried a disproportionate share of the epidemic for years — and understanding exactly why matters for anyone doing infectious disease work there now, at a moment when the ground under that work is shifting again.

The Current Numbers

In 2024, 1,791 people were newly diagnosed with HIV in New York City — a 5.4% increase from 2023, which itself followed a 6.9% rise the year before. Two consecutive years of increase is a real reversal after decades of decline, not statistical noise.

Brooklyn and the Bronx have consistently carried the largest share of that burden. In 2024, the two boroughs together accounted for 50% of all new HIV diagnoses citywide. Brooklyn’s trajectory is also the most concerning of any borough: the rate of new HIV diagnoses per capita in Brooklyn increased 12% between 2019 and 2023, while every other borough besides Queens and Staten Island held stable or declined over the same period.

Who the Numbers Actually Describe

The disparities inside those totals are stark and consistent year over year. Eighty-five percent of new HIV diagnoses in New York City are among Black and Latino residents, who together make up only about half of the city’s population. Forty-two percent of people newly diagnosed were living in high- or very-high-poverty ZIP codes at the time of diagnosis. Seventy-five percent of new cases were among men, 20% among women, and 4% among transgender women — small population groups experiencing measurably outsized impact.

Brooklyn’s specific neighborhoods bear this out at a level of detail worth naming directly. Bedford-Stuyvesant and Crown Heights have historically recorded among the highest concentrations of new HIV infections of any neighborhoods in the city. The same central Brooklyn corridor shows up in the city’s broader equity data too: a 2018 NYC Health Department community profile found that a baby born in Brownsville, in central Brooklyn, has an 11-year shorter life expectancy than a baby born on the Upper East Side of Manhattan — HIV outcomes are one thread in a much larger pattern of health inequity concentrated in the same handful of neighborhoods.

Why Brooklyn Specifically

Part of the explanation is structural and goes back further than the current data. Health workers in central Brooklyn have pointed to a specific, concrete cause behind the borough’s persistently high numbers: clinic and hospital closures that disrupted continuity of care for people already living with HIV. A program manager at the Bedford-Stuyvesant Family Health Center described the effect plainly — patients who lost access to the clinics and hospitals that had been managing their care stopped engaging in care altogether, some without knowing their status at all. Once someone falls out of care, both their own health and their likelihood of transmitting the virus to others worsen — which is part of why a neighborhood’s HIV numbers can climb even without any change in behavior, purely because the infrastructure to catch and treat it thinned out.

That fragility didn’t end with clinic closures a decade ago. The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted HIV testing and treatment access citywide in ways the field is still accounting for, and the communities hit hardest by COVID were frequently the same communities already carrying the highest HIV risk — a second, more recent shock to the same populations already least buffered against the first one.

The Funding Layer That Makes This Moment Different

What makes right now a genuinely consequential time to understand this landscape, rather than simply concerning in the abstract, is what’s happening to the funding underneath it. New York City has been a priority site for the federal Ending the HIV Epidemic initiative, which currently supports PrEP access, mobile testing, and same-day care across the city. As of late 2025, Congress was weighing the elimination of the entire $220 million EHE budget, alongside a proposed elimination of $755.6 million in CDC HIV Prevention Program funding — more than $41 million of which flows directly to New York City for surveillance, testing, and outreach — and a proposed $525 million cut to the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program, which funds HIV care specifically inside community health centers.

Reported alongside two consecutive years of rising diagnoses, that combination is what public health officials mean when they describe the current moment as a real risk of backsliding on twenty years of progress, not a hypothetical one.

The PrEP Gap Underneath the Coverage Numbers

There’s a version of this story that runs in parallel to what’s already been documented in North Carolina’s dental access data: a state performing well on paper while a specific population underneath that average is left out. New York has the highest rate of PrEP coverage of any state in the country — genuinely strong performance at the aggregate level. But the same state data shows that communities of color, and people of lower socioeconomic status generally, access PrEP at rates many times lower than white New Yorkers relative to their actual risk. Women — particularly Black and Hispanic women, who face meaningfully elevated HIV risk — are especially underserved by PrEP relative to need.

Put plainly: the tool that could be doing the most to prevent new infections in exactly the neighborhoods carrying the heaviest burden is the tool least reaching those same neighborhoods.

What This Means for the Clinical Work Itself

None of this is background context in the abstract sense — it describes the actual shape of infectious disease practice at a Brooklyn community health center right now. A physician managing HIV/AIDS care in central Brooklyn is working with a patient population where continuity of care has been historically fragile for reasons entirely outside any individual patient’s control, where poverty is a documented structural factor in diagnosis timing, and where the most effective prevention tool available is underused in exactly the community that needs it most. At the same time, the federal funding that currently supports testing, same-day care, and PrEP access in community health settings is genuinely at risk, which makes the stability an FQHC role provides — as opposed to a grant-dependent standalone program — a real, practical consideration rather than an abstract one.

None of that is a reason for pessimism about the work itself. New York City’s HIV numbers are still down more than 70% since the epidemic’s peak, which reflects two decades of physicians, nurses, and public health workers doing exactly this kind of unglamorous, structurally-aware clinical work in the neighborhoods that needed it most. The last two years of rising numbers are a sign that the work isn’t finished — not that it hasn’t mattered.

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